Category Archives: Public Building Commission

Probably more about the Public Building Commission than you wanted to know

When I was on vacation a couple of weeks ago, I took some time out of my day to walk around downtown, visit the library, browse around the Illinois Antique Center, and, in a moment of whimsy, visit the Public Building Commission of Peoria.

The PBC office is located in a well-appointed suite on the 19th floor of the Associated Bank building. I talked to the secretary/accountant (one of two employees of the PBC) who was very kind, took my contact information, and promised to relay my request for information to her boss the next day. Her boss is James Thornton, the Executive Secretary of the PBC, and he called me the next day as promised.

We had a nice chat about the PBC’s relationship to the school district, and he offered to send me a standard letter about the PBC, which I’d like to share with my readers. It may answer some questions (though not all, by any means) that have been asked in the comments section of other posts. It’s titled, “Public Building Commissions: A Means of Attaining Necessary Public Building Construction And/or Maintenance.”

Because of conditions that existed in many counties in the State of Illinois as related to the decrepit conditions of governmental buildings throughout the state, the Legislature of the State of Illinois in 1955, enacted a law known as The Public Building Commission Act.

The reason for the Act was to make possible the construction, acquisition, or enlargement of buildings to be made available for use by governmental agencies with the intent of centralizing the activities of the different branches of governmental and eradicating inefficient buildings no longer adequate to meet the needs of a growing population.

Even though Public Building Commissions have been in existence in the State of Illinois for more than fifty years, there seems to be, in the eyes of the general public, a certain air of mystery and misconception about these municipal corporations which have been created in various counties of Illinois under the provisions of the Public Building Commission Act of 1955, for the designated purpose of providing necessary public buildings in this state.

In general it can be stated that Public Building Commissions perform a dual function:

  1. They provide financing for building construction and
  2. Provide the expertise necessary to administer and supervise a construction project; and if desired, administer maintenance and operation after completion of construction.

It should be emphasized, however, that a Public Building Commission has no taxing powers whatsoever. For a Public Building Commission (PBC) to become involved in a construction project, it is necessary that a municipal corporation with taxing powers and within the territorial jurisdiction defined in the Act request the assistance of the PBC in the construction of facilities necessary or desirable for the proper operation and functioning of that particular public body. If the PBC believes the project is feasible, it may agree to assume the responsibilities of the proposed construction. Four things must then occur to initiate the project.

  1. The PBC must select the site and acquire title to the land on which the improvement is to be constructed.
  2. The PBC then issues bonds in an amount sufficient to cover the construction costs or as much of the cost as is requested.
  3. The PBC then leases back the premises to the public body involved, who in turn agrees to pay an annual rental to the PBC in an amount sufficient to pay interest on the bonds; retire bonds, provide adequate reserve funds during the life of the bond issue, and if desired, to maintain and operate the building during the term of the lease.
  4. The public body that is leasing the building then levies a special tax sufficient to pay annual rentals required throughout the term of the lease. This levy shall be in addition to all other taxes levied by the Lessee Corporation and shall not be included within any statutory limitation of the rate or amount for that public body. After the bonds have been paid off, legal title to the property may then revert back to the public body concerned if it so desires, along with any remaining monetary funds.

The following are some pertinent observations, which may answer some questions that sometime arise concerning Public Buliding Commissions and their function.

  1. A Public Building Commission on its own cannot engage in any building project. It can only work in conjunction with and at the request of the duly elected representatives of a qualifying municipal corporation. In other words, all provisions of a construction project including land conveyance, lease provisions, and tax levy must be adopted by elected officials.
  2. Public Building Commissions cannot have outstanding bonds that exceed five (5) percent of the assessed valuation of the county seat.
  3. Numerous counties in Illinois in addition to Peoria County — Dupage, Kane, Cook, Winnebage, Whiteside, Stephenson, Lee, McLean, St. Clair, Vermilion, and Sangamon, to name a few, have created Public Building Commissions and have used them to construct much needed public facilities in their respective areas. Projects have included courthouses, jails, law enforcement buildings, educational facilities, nursing homes, and recreational facilities. These projects have all been well received and accepted by the public in their respective counties.

Some additional items that the Public Building Commission requires:

  1. They approve or select the site and hold the title for the length of the bonds.
  2. The PBC selects the architect.
  3. They bid and approve all construction documents.
  4. They will approve and pay all construction payments.
  5. PBC will approve all change orders.
  6. PBC will sell the required bonds and make all payments for the sale from the bonds. The PBC will hire the bond Counsel and company to sell bonds.
  7. PBC will establish all payment schedules.

The Peoria Public Building Commission has currently spent over ninety-five million dollars building public facilities in the Peoria area.

In addition to this info, I was also sent a complete list of properties held by the PBC that are being leased by District 150:

  • Richwoods High School
  • Lincoln Middle School
  • Valeska Hinton Early Childhood Education Center
  • Blaine Sumner School
  • Sterling School
  • Washington School
  • Tyng School
  • White School
  • Loucks School
  • Von Steuben School
  • Columbia School
  • Thomas Jefferson School

Obviously several of these schools are older than the PBC itself; several of the older schools had additions built and modifications done that were financed through the PBC. The last nine schools I listed are the ones that will be paid in full within the next few months (I don’t have an exact date on that).

Once those are paid off, District 150 will not be able to ask for that money in their property tax levy anymore. That means the property tax rate for District 150 will go down, and that means you will pay less in taxes….

…that is, unless the state legislature decides to override the Governor’s veto on SB2477. If that bill is made law in its original form, District 150 will have another five years to get money from the PBC without having to get the voters’ permission via referendum. And believe you me, the school district can spend a lot of your money in five years.

Anatomy of District 150’s tax levy, Pt. 2 or, “How your taxes will go up if D150 gets funds through the PBC”

There’s one more observation I’d like to make about District 150’s tax levy, and that involves the second-largest expenditure behind Education: the Public Building Commission (PBC).

Since 1993, the school board has been unable to tap the PBC for bonds due to a state law prohibiting it (we’re paying for pre-1993 bonds on our tax bills today). Sen. Shadid and Rep. Schock would like to see that change and passed legislation that would allow the school board to again get funding for construction through the PBC, but it was vetoed by Gov. Blagojevich. It was an amendatory veto that allowed funding to come from the PBC, but would require a public referendum to do so. Now Shadid wants to work on overriding that veto.

The school board has consistently promised that receiving these funds through the PBC would not raise taxes; i.e. the tax rate would remain the same. (Of course, we all know a tax rate that stays the same when it’s supposed to go down is a tax increase by any definition but the school board’s, but that’s their claim.) They even took action to cap its tax rate for the payment of leases with the Public Building Commission, and this was the basis of Shadid’s support for overriding the governor’s veto.

There are two problems (for taxpayers) with this little scheme.

First, the school district capped the tax rate at .60%. And, as you can see from Part 1 of this post, the current rate is .5578%. So, even by their own definition it will be a tax increase — an increase of .0422%. And, of course, since this supposed “cap” is only set by the school board and not state law, it could easily be repealed at any time.

Second, since the PBC’s part of the levy is not listed separately on your tax bill, how would you ever know if the rate changed, anyway? Only if you took the time to go down to the county clerk’s office and get a copy of the tax computation worksheet, which is unlikely for 99.99% of Peorians. I asked how one can go about listing the PBC’s part of the levy separately like they currently do for District 150 pensions. According to the county clerk’s office, it would have to be required by state law. I don’t expect our local lawmakers would want to see that, do you?

If Shadid, Schock, et. al., are successful in overriding the governor’s veto, make no mistake about it — they will have just voted to circumvent safeguards for voters (the referendum process) and allow District 150 to raise your taxes without your consent.

Anatomy of District 150’s tax levy, Pt. 1

You’ve all seen the levy on your property tax bills. It’s the biggest levy of all — Peoria Public School District 150. Total rate for 2005: 4.49151%. But what really goes into that rate? How is the sausage made, so to speak?

Well, that information is available from the County Clerk in the form of a “Tax Computation Report.” I got a copy of it, and your levy from District 150 breaks down like this:

Fund Name Max. Rate Actual Rate Percent
Education 2.18000 2.18000 48.5361
Bonds 0.00000 0.19275 4.2914
Oper & Mtce 0.50000 0.50000 11.1321
I.M.R.F. (Pension) 0.00000 0.15277 3.4013
Transportation 0.20000 0.20000 4.4528
Fire Safety 0.05000 0.05000 1.1132
Special Ed 0.04000 0.04000 0.8906
Tort Immunity 0.00000 0.38520 8.5762
Social Security 0.00000 0.18299 4.0741
Lease 0.05000 0.05000 1.1132
Public Building Commission 0.00000 0.55780 12.4190
TOTALS 4.49151 100.0000

Although there’s not enough room in my blog layout to show this in the above table, there is some additional information on the tax computation worksheet.

First, the way it works is this: the district requests a specific amount of money (levy request) for each category. Based on the equalized assessed value (EAV) of property in the school’s taxing district, the county calculates the rate they’d have to charge to collect that much money. If the calculated rate is higher than the maximum rate, they obvioiusly can only charge the maximum.

So, for example, in 2005 the school district requested $27,951,565 for the Education fund. Based on the rate-setting EAV for the taxing district of $1,235,731,719, the county would have to impose a rate of 2.261944%. However, the maximum allowable rate is 2.18%, so that’s what they charged, resulting in an estimated $26,938,951.47 in revenue for the Education fund, or about $1,012,613.53 less than the district requested.

Notice that the district is at the maximum rate for every category that has a maximum rate.

Secondly, something interesting to note is the impact tax increment financing (TIF) districts have on District 150. You may have noticed that I earlier referred to the “rate-setting EAV.” That’s to distinguish it from the “Total EAV.” The difference between the two is this: the rate setting EAV has any property within TIF districts taken out. That’s a big difference. The total EAV for District 150’s taxing district is $1,293,403,719, which means the rate setting EAV is $57,672,000 less than the total EAV.

So, how does that translate to District 150 income? It means District 150 lost out on $2,590,343.64. Per fund, that works out this way:

Fund $ Lost to TIF
Education $1,257,249.60
Bonds $111,162.78
Oper & Mtce $288,360.00
I.M.R.F. (Pension) $88,105.51
Transportation $115,344.00
Fire Safety $28,845.00
Special Ed $23,068.80
Tort Immunity $222,152.55
Social Security $105,534.00
Lease $28,836.00
Public Building Commission $321,694.41
TOTAL $2,590,343.64

Now, the argument is, of course, that if there were no TIF there would have been no development/property improvement, and thus the school district wouldn’t have seen that $2.5+ million anyway. Still, I think it’s good to see what the impact of our TIF policies are on the school district; it could lead to adjustments to how the city implements TIFs in the future. For example, would we get the same economic development benefit, while mitigating the impact on schools, if TIFs were only implemented for a shorter time period?

I’ll save my last observation for the next post so it doesn’t get lost in this one.

Why the PBC shouldn’t fund school construction

I read a great argument against using the Public Building Commission to fund school construction. It came from an unlikely source: the Peoria Journal Star. Of course, it was from the PJS of 15 years ago, about two years before the state legislature took away the PBC’s power to bond for school construction. Take a look at this editorial from December 1, 1991, page A8 (emphasis mine):

What would you think of a business that advertised a product or service at a specific price, and then charged you almost 70 percent more when you got to the store? You’d probably think you’d been misled. You might not shop there again. You might tell your friends not to patronize that store, either. Even if the product you bought was of high quality, it would be the principle that mattered, because you’d been lured to that store under false pretenses.

In a way, that’s what Peoria School District 150 has done with its school facilities expansion and your tax dollars.

When District 150 pitched its blueprints to the public 18 months ago, administrators said the expansion would cost about $15.5 million, the second largest capital improvement in the school district’s history. Through a series of eight public meetings, that number was repeated time and again. Hardly any opposition was voiced. The school board approved the plan; the district hired architects and began tinkering.

Suddenly the expansion of eight schools costing about $9 million became nine schools costing $13 million. Suddenly the construction of two new schools at a cost of about $3.5 million each assumed price tags of $7 million and $6 million respectively. Suddenly a $15.5 million expansion has become an estimated $26 million expansion (pending the Public Building Commission’s approval for the two new schools), the largest in District 150’s history.

District 150 can do this because, unlike virtually every other school district in central Illinois, it does not need voter approval to issue bonds to pay for new construction. That’s because it has a rich uncle at the Public Building Commission, which is subject to no one’s authority but its own. Examples like this one are why this newspaper has a philosophical objection to PBCs and the way in which they allow local governments to circumvent the will of the people who pay their bills.

Continue reading Why the PBC shouldn’t fund school construction

District 150 & the Public Building Commission, Part 2

In my last post, I looked at quotes by Senator George Shadid and District 150 Treasurer Guy Cahill regarding Senate Bill 2477, a bill that would allow the school district to borrow money to build new schools through the Public Building Commission (PBC) without having to get approval from voters through a referendum. In other words, a bill that will allow the school district to pick your pocket for their building program, a program that is questionable at best.

The Governor vetoed the bill, but Shadid has announced his intention to try to override it. Does he have enough votes? It looks very possible: A three-fifths vote is needed to override a veto; that means 36 senators and 71 representatives. Senate Bill 2477 passed overwhelmingly with 43 ayes (9 nays) in the Senate and 89 ayes (25 nays) in the House. So, if all those people felt strongly enough about the original form of this bill, they could easily override the Governor’s veto.

But why are so many senators and representatives in favor of this bill? Maybe it has something to do with the way it was presented. I’ve been reading transcripts of the floor debate in the Senate and House (did you know these are available on-line?), and it’s been a real eye-opener.

Let’s start with Senator Shadid in the Senate. He had this to say:

[T]hey [the school board] are really in dire — dire straits because they can’t get a referendum passed. They have a sixty-percent minority student population and this would be very, very beneficial and really well — well needed. I mean, we need this in our city.

They’re in dire straits? We need this in Peoria? They can’t get a referendum passed?

He was challenged on that last statement by Senator Burzynski (R-35th Dist.) who asked, “when was the last time they offered a referendum to the people?” Senator Shadid:

I have to tell you, they — they’ve not had a referendum on the — for the last ten years that I’m aware of. I can only tell you that when I tried to build a county jail, we had three referendums that failed and we finally had to go to the public building commission in 1985 to get a jail built that was to replace the jail that was a hundred and twenty-five years old.

Burzynski rejoined, “what I recall in the discussion in committee is the fact that it’s been close to thirty years since they tried to pass a referendum.”

So, Shadid’s argument is, as I understand it, thus: Since it was so difficult twenty-one years ago to pass a referendum to build a jail, obviously it will be impossible now to get a referendum passed to build new schools. It’s not even worth trying to get the money that way — we need to circumvent the voters just like we did to get the jail built.

Yet, only six years ago, the Journal Star reported that “Illinois voters approve[d] most school bond issues” (3/23/2000): “Seven of the 10 area schools that asked for more money, got it. Now they’ll be able to construct new buildings, renovate old ones or just pay bills.” None of these bond issues were in the City of Peoria, but they were close — as close as Dunlap, to give just one example. It just goes to show that when a school board makes a good case for increased funding, it is possible to get a referendum passed, without picking voters’ pockets.

Okay, onto our newest representative in Springfield, Mr. Aaron Schock, who took to the floor of the House to speak in favor of this bill:

I rise in support of Senate Bill 2477 not only as the Representative from Peoria, but also the past president of the Peoria School System. This is a piece of legislation that is not only supported by our school board, but also our entire city council.

Wait, it is? Did I miss that meeting? Does anyone remember the “entire city council” expressing their support for this bill? Can Schock provide any evidence to support this statement? Of course, in Springfield there’s no one to dispute his assertions, so as far as the Illinois House is concerned, Peoria’s entire city council supports this bill. Schock continues:

And I certainly hope that we can have overwhelming, if not unanimous, support from this General Assembly. This really gives local control to our school board and to the Public Building Commission in Peoria. Right now, our Public Building Commission already has the authority to build libraries, to build prisons and jails, and we’re simply asking for that same authority be given back to our school system, which it has had for many years. All of the schools in our district in the recent history that have been built have been done so using the Public Building Commission.

And I believe that’s the very reason they took the power to bond for school construction away from the PBC, isn’t it? And what does he mean by “this really gives local control to our school board…”? Since when is getting approval from taxpayers in your own school district not considered a local decision? I’m guessing by “local control,” he means simply “control.” It takes control away from the voters and gives it to the school board. Back to Schock:

We have more inadequately housed students, according to state standards, more inadequately housed students in Peoria than any other school district in the state. I think it’s a shame right now that our Public Building Commission has the authority to house prisoners and jail inmates and give them adequate standards but we’re not giving that same authority to school children in our state. So, this only seems like common sense. I wanna thank Majority Leader Currie for her work on this Bill. It’s a commonsense piece of legislation, something that’s gonna really help Peoria. And I wanna say thank you to her for her willingness to take this cause on for the betterment of school children in Peoria. I urge a “yes” vote.

The common theme between Shadid and Schock is that our students in Peoria are “inadequately housed” according to state standards. You know what that standard is? Any students who are going to school in a building that is more than 67 years old are considered “inadequately housed.” That’s it. So, Schock is inadvertently right when he says, “this only seems like common sense.” Indeed. It’s isn’t really commonsense legislation, it only seems that way because of the way it has been presented.

There is more in the transcript that I would love to cover, and maybe I will in the future, but for now I want to point out one more thing. The main sponsor of this bill in the Illinois House was not Schock, but Barbara Flynn Currie (D-25th District). When she introduced the bill, she said, “This measure has the strong support of Peoria School District #150. I know of no opposition.”

No kidding. Who in Peoria would think to call Barbara Flynn Currie to express their opposition to this bill? But it does bring up a good point. Perhaps we should start writing to the entire Illinois General Assembly to express our opposition to this bill. And perhaps someone on the council (Mr. Spears?) could let the legislature know that the city council has never expressed their support for this bill. I’m sure the School Board won’t mind the city setting the record straight since they have made it perfectly clear they don’t value the city’s cooperation anyway.

Here’s where you can find a list of all the Representatives (http://www.ilga.gov/house/) and Senators (http://www.ilga.gov/senate/). Just tell them you want no taxation without representation, so please uphold the Governor’s veto of Senate Bill 2477.

District 150 & the Public Building Commission, Part 1

Do you think District 150 should be allowed to raise your taxes without a referendum?

If not, you’ll want to pay attention to this story. It’s not online, unfortunately, so here’s a lengthy quote from Clare Jellick’s story in the 10/3/2006 Journal Star titled, “Senator fighting Governor’s veto,” subhead, “Shadid supports bill for school construction”:

PEORIA — State Sen. George Shadid wants to override the Governor’s amendatory veto of a bill that benefits District 150, the senator said Monday.

The bill, originally sponsored by Shadid, allows the district to ask the Peoria Public Building Commission to issue bonds for school construction. The district plans to repay the bonds by restructuring its property tax levy, but the governor doesn’t want this method used without voter approval.

Gov. Rod Blagojevich considers this funding structure as raising taxes; District 150 does not, and Shadid is prepared to fight against the veto.

“(The School Board) is elected by the people in this community, so I’m going to take their word for it that they’re not going to raise taxes,” said Shadid, who initially supported the governor’s proposed changes.

The debate is over what’s considered raising taxes. The district intends to replace old bonds with new bonds, meaning that the tax rate will stay the same, but people will be paying the rate longer. If the district issued no new bonds, the tax rate would drop gradually starting next year.

The old bonds would be paid off completely by 2012. The district is proposing that the rate continue until 2015 at the earliest and 2020 at the latest.

“Could (taxpayers) enjoy a tax reduction without this (legislation)? The answer is clearly yes, but the school district clearly needs to build, and it needs to borrow to do it,” district treasurer Guy Cahill said Monday.

The School Board passed a resolution Monday to cap the tax rate, which is enough assurance for Shadid. He intends to use this during the fall veto session to make his case for the override.

“I feel comfortable with them giving me this resolution that they’re not going to raise the rate,” Shadid said.

[The Governor still stands by his amendatory veto.]

The soonest the amendment could be considered is November. A majority vote in both houses is needed to accept the change. A super-majority (three-fifths vote) in both houses would override Blagojevich’s veto and make the original version of the bill law.

A couple of comments are in order here. First, the school board passed a resolution saying they would cap the tax rate, and that’s enough assurance for Shadid that they won’t raise taxes. There are two obvious problems with this:

  1. The school board changes over time; just because this school board promises to do something doesn’t mean it can’t be overridden by a later board. And, of course, there’s nothing preventing this school board from reneging, either.
  2. Whether or not they promised a rate cap completely misses the point. The tax rate is supposed to go down starting next year. If it doesn’t, then the school board is clearly raising our taxes; Cahill even admitted it. The point is that tax increases such as this should be approved by the voters — you know, the ones who have to pay the taxes.

Secondly, Cahill claims “the school district clearly needs to build.” Oh? Kind of like they “clearly” needed to close Blaine-Sumner Middle School (built in 1927) because the building was so decrepit, yet once it was closed they were somehow miraculously able to immediately rehabilitate it for use as district offices, even adding air conditioning? If this was one of the worst (and since it was one of the first schools to be closed, we can only assume it was), then I’d say their schools aren’t in as bad of shape as we’ve been led to believe.

No, it’s not at all clear that the district needs to build. It’s crystal clear that they want to build. The fact that the district is trying to find a way around the voters only shows they are so certain the public won’t buy it, they’re not even going to attempt a referendum. Rather than go through the difficult work of proving their “need” for new buildings and the funding for them, then pursuading the public to pass a referendum, they’d rather pick taxpayers’ pockets.

And that’s what Senate Bill 2477, without the Governor’s amendatory veto, will allow them to do: pick our pockets. But why has the Illinois General Assembly been in favor of this bill in the first place? And what are the odds they’ll be able to override the Governor’s veto? I’ll explore some possible answers in my next post.

Governor to protect Peoria taxpayers before signing PBC bill

I’m not a fan of Gov. Blagojevich, but I was thrilled to read this in today’s paper:

“We just want to make sure that if there’s going to be any talk about an increase in anybody’s property tax, that it can’t just happen by the School Board (or the Public Building Commission). It’s got to be by referendum,” Blagojevich said Friday.

Thus, he’s going to amend the PBC bill (SB2477) that Sen. Shadid asked him to sign to ensure just that. This is a victory for Peoria County taxpayers. The possibility of the school board being able to get around a referendum to increase taxes was the biggest complaint about the PBC bill. The governor’s amendment will make sure taxpayers are protected.

News flash: Shadid okays PBC bill

George P. ShadidDuring a presentation about the Public Building Commission at tonight’s City Council meeting, it was revealed that Senator Shadid advised the Governor to approve SB2477, a bill he had previously asked the Governor not to sign pending public input on the site of District 150’s new school building.

“Senate Bill 2477 would allow the Peoria Public Building Commission the temporary authority to enter into construction contracts with Peoria School District 150.”